Research Ideas


A chapel in Windsor, Ontario. Courtesy of a Vogue article.

Last year, I did a research project on 18thcentury etiquette books. I wanted to somehow incorporate my research into this seminar, but I was not sure exactly how to incorporate it to Catholics in Politics. Also, throughout the last semester, learning more about the Catholic Church brought forward a lot of my own disagreements with the values of the Church. I know I am not the only one who has disagreements and struggles with Catholic views throughout history. On a topic similar to etiquette and conduct, I hope to explore a Catholic women’s struggle to conform to religious expectations while following current and evolving societal expectations.

With this topic, I would possibly explore how Catholic women were depicted in the religion and to the outside world throughout time—i.e. too modest, charitable, rebellious. Additionally, I would research how Catholic women would interact with the public through an outright religious influence, or if they interact outside of the grasps of the Church—did they receive direct support and instruction from the Church or did they act on their own? For instance, evaluating different responses to Humane Vitae and civil rights movements of the 20thcentury would demonstrate women involvement and responses to pivotal changes in society and the Catholic doctrine. On the other hand, earlier looks into the arrivals of Catholic nuns to the United States would show the roots and intentions of their first interactions with the public and charity. I would also like to look into questions and perceptions of modesty toward Catholic women.

I have found a few possible outside readings to correspond with narrowing down a specific research question. Among them is a decree from Pope Pius XI on modesty and “The Marylike Standards for Modesty in Dress,” and a collection of interviews in a 2016 book titled Catholic Women Confront Their Church: Stories of Hurt and Hope. These publications would help navigate my research topic into viable sources to complete my project.


The cover for Celia Vegg Wexler’s collection of stories.

I am looking forward to what the next semester will bring. Although my topics at this time are broader, I cannot wait to see my final product—even if it ends up completely different than the ideas above. I came into this course with little knowledge of Catholicism, but I am excited to further my knowledge and look into specific topics of interest.


How to be a Peacemaker

Founded in 1974, the 8th Day Center for Justice served the Chicago area and beyond as a “prophetic voice against injustice.” However, while doing further research into this organization, I discovered that they officially closed their doors in August 2018. As the organization commented in an article to the Global Sisters Report, combined with financial support losses and a declining necessity for their organization in the modern world, the organization no longer has a pressing need to continue. As the primary goal of the organization was to stress the various intersections of injustice, the organization saw the new involvements in intersectional justice movements throughout the past few years as a sign that their work is complete, and the world is a step closer to fixing injustices. Similar to class discussions about the intersectionality of the Catholic vote, the organization’s mission was to explore and educate the intersectionalities of social movements.

The pamphlet above was issued by the 8th Day Center for Justice to list possible ways any (religious) person could make an impact of the peace movements of the late 20th century. Although there is not a known date of publication, the contents of the pamphlet show that it was published and distributed between 1977-1982. Most likely sometime in the early 1980s before August 6th- opening of an exhibit listed in suggestion four. From influences of Vatican II and the end of the Vietnam War, the 8th Day Center for Justice opened and acted in a time of immense Catholic involvement in social justice which we have studied throughout the semester. As we explored responses to Vatican II and different social movements of the 20th century, the center was created “in the spirit of the transformation that came with the Second Vatican Council as religious communities discerned how to respond to the ‘signs of the times’.” 

One of the deepest connections to the 8th Day pamphlet and class exploration was the encouragements to discuss peace and social issues with neighbors, friends, and peers. Like shown in Berrigan Week with the dinners on Block Island, the importance of conversation and discussion to facilate peace and justice ideals was practiced by the community under the influences of Daniel Berrigan, WIlliam Stringfellow, and other figures.

Link to PDF of the pamphlet: 8th_Day_How_to_be_a_Peacemaker-2

JFK Confronting Catholic Hostility

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During John F. Kennedy’s presidential campaign, he faced hostility for his affiliations with the Catholic Church. In the early 1960s, Kennedy was faced with pressure to drop his presidential run and accept a vice presidential candidacy because of his Catholicism. Like Al Smith in 1928, Kennedy had to persuade skeptics that he would stress the separation of the Church and state. At the American Society of Newspaper Editors’ annual convention in April 1960, Kennedy had to steer away from his intended topic for his speech to address the questions of his loyalty. According to the Chicago Daily Tribune article below by Willard Edwards, Kennedy’s speech was effective- indicated by the silence from the editors in the Q&A section. However, the editors may have been stunned as Kennedy condemned the newspapers for “what he regarded as overemphasis for his religion.” Similar to class discussions, Kennedy’s run emphasized his Catholicism even when he did not intend to. In present elections, Catholicism could be used as a tool to win over conservative Catholic voters; but, the 1960s still called for careful navigation for a Catholic candidate to emphasize their independence from the Catholic hierarchy when acting in the benefit of the US.

Link to the PDF of the articleKennedy Rips Bigotry

Article Citation: Edwards, Willard. “Kennedy Rips Bigotry in Church Issue.” Chicago Daily Tribune (1923-1963), Apr 22, 1960.



Is There a Substantial Catholic Vote in the 2018 Midterms?

Throughout the semester, when we discussed the Catholic vote, we stressed the intersectionality behind Catholicism. In discussions from 2000 by scholar E.J. Dionne, in There is No ‘Catholic Vote.” And Yet, It matters, the emphasis of an array of Catholic voters provided assurance that Catholics do not vote the same. However, the description of Catholic voters as “the ultimate swing vote” is harder to establish. As Dionne explored the different identities of Catholics, considering their vote a “swing vote” would ignore the other identities and issues they are voting on beyond their Catholic fate. Hank Murphy at the Behind the Tweets roundtable detailed how the Catholic vote in the 2018 midterm elections was split 50/50 among party lines. This split shows that the Catholic vote was not a unified bloc and should not be stressed as a swing vote. Described in many articles, including those from,, and, the main issue for Catholics in this election and others are abortion politics. However, given the moral implications of abortion beliefs, it is hard to say whether abortion is the main force behind the Catholic vote as those articles proclaimed. If this was the root to Catholic voting, it would be safe to see a majority of votes to Republicans, the majority pro-life party, but the trend is not always notable—mostly compared to other religious groups shown below. Hank Murphy at the roundtable explained the voting patterns beyond abortion efficiently. He described how some Catholics do vote because of abortion, but many Catholics vote for death penalty legislation or immigration legislation. As the previous, right-leaning articles emphasized abortion politics, the biases restricted visibility of the other issues Catholics care about.



The above graphic from Pew Research Center shows how different religious groups voted in midterm elections since 2006. The chart shows that in 2018, the party split among Catholic voters was 50:49. This ratio shifted from 2010 and 2014 where a greater number of Catholics voted for a Republican. However, in 2006, the majority was toward the Democrats. The general affiliation can shift throughout the years in this chart, but there has been a variety of voting gaps and majority affiliation. If the trend from 2018 continues, then Catholics will continue to be less of a swing vote if their decisions remain split almost completely down the middle. Catholics view politics in a magnitude of different ways and the party gaps throughout midterm elections have stayed consistent or gotten smaller—regardless of which parties received the majority of votes. As the Catholic vote is not heavily split, multiple issues would take part in decision-making making processes.

Although the Catholic vote was more evenly split than other years, predictions of Catholic votes swaying in a majority toward a specific party are few and far between. As previously mentioned scholar E.J. Dionne put it,“Catholics haven’t voted as a bloc since the early 1960s, when they solidly backed America’s one and only Catholic president, John F. Kennedy.” The close split among Catholic voters has been the trend for decades, and this year was not any different.



A view of the roundtable. (By me)


An Influenced Vote

Discussions of the Catholic vote have floated around our seminar all semester. Considering I had little idea of what the Catholic vote was before I started this school year, it is safe to now say that it does not exist. Although a cohesive Catholic vote is impossible, Catholic upbringing still influences social and political values that tie into voting and legislation. Catholicism influences and justifies all areas of political opinions. The harm of considering a united Catholic vote is ignoring the abundance of personal interpretations.

On Tuesday of this week, the class took a field trip to Hyde Park’s Seminary Co-Op Bookstore to see Steven Millies discuss his book— Good Intentions: A History of Catholic Voters’ Road from Roe to Trump. Other than enjoying Hyde Park in the fall, the event provided a well-rounded discussion of ways to view the Catholic vote in the present. To Millies, the Catholic vote is not as prominent as it once was considered. Since using Roe v. Wade (1973) as a starting point for his timeline, Catholics were already assimilated into American society. According to Millies, when the scrutiny became whether a person was communist or not, Catholic assimilation finished embedding into US society. Millies’s discussions connected heavily to our discussions in class that the Catholic vote does not exist. As Millies stressed the importance of ethnicity and other factors in voting, I could not help but think about class discussions of the importance of intersectionality in evaluating a person in society.

However, as intersectionality progresses, religion still takes a part in how a person votes. Although there is not a unified vote, Catholics use religion (knowingly or not) to influence their morals and values in all areas of America’s political spectrum. I see the Supreme Court voting record of Justice William Brennan as an example of how Catholicism can still influence political opinions. Scholar Samuel Mills thought Brennan rejected his Catholic upbringing in his progressive voting record: “Justice Brennan faced a number of cases that forced him to choose between following mandates of the Constitution as he viewed them and following the will of his own religious leaders” (Mills 772). The problem with Mills’ argument was that he assumed all Catholics voted the same. Brennan’s Catholic upbringing directly influenced his morals as much as Catholics who disagreed with his decisions.

Another scholar, William Blake, provided a better opinion: “justices may be right in the sense that they never consciously base their judicial behavior on their religious values, but it would be impossible for a judge to suppress her or his values completely” (Blake 814). Even if the influence is subconscious, religion and upbringing still took part in intersections of Brennan’s and others’ decisions. Although the Catholic vote is not united, the influences in all opinions are legitimate. Additionally, the pronouncement of Humanae Vitae procured a division in the Catholic Church where both sides of opinion used Catholicism in their justifications. The split from Humanae Vitae was explored in a Studs Terkel interview with Father John O’Brien. An anonymous mother in the interview also proclaimed that the writing is “making sinners out of good Catholics.” O’Brien discussed that the Vatican needed to catch up with the Church as a living organism. Also, the birth control issue would not have been an issue if a majority of the hierarchy leaders were married or interacted with women more. I like to think this could have implied giving women a larger role in the Church, but it is not explicit or confirmed. As O’Brien thought that Humanae Vitae contradicted the Catholic Church, Pope Paul VI thought writing benefited the Church. The same foundation provided arguments for and against a political opinion.

Studs Terkel’s interview also discussed the current level of political participation from nuns. Nuns provide a better argument of the drastic changes in how Catholics govern. In the 19thcentury and prior, “nuns were expected to provide the services to which they had committed their lives in a spirit of meekness, humility, and detachment” (Hoy 65). Evaluated in this quote by Sullen Hoy, Catholic nuns were expected to be obedient and not be directly involved in politics. However, by discussions in the 1960s, the opposite was encouraged. O’Brien in the Terkel interview put the modern roles of nuns well when he said they, “do good and serve God by going out and giving bread to the starving, bandaging the wounds of the suffering, cooling the feverish brow of the sick.” The change of nuns in the mid-20thcentury is a product of the call for direct political action in the global climate and the need for the Church to catch up in a rapidly changing society. Catholics, like any other political figures, change how they govern by adapting to their modern values. Humanae Vitae can be seen as an attempt to stay with the traditional, docile expectations by the Church, but the response triggered by the writing proved that the Church can also support the other end of the spectrum. Some areas of the Church will grow faster than others.

This informational video of Catholic Charities provides an example of Catholics who came together in a time of “immense political, social and economic change” to directly interact and help those in need. As I explored a Chicago Catholic Charities Center in the Open House Chicago, it is important to note the influence of nuns not provided in this video. As nuns were encouraged to interact directly with the public, Catholic Charities provided a segway to achieve this modern change.

Referenced Work:

Blake, William. “God Save This Honorable Court: Religion as a Source of Judicial Policy Preferences.” Political Research Quarterly 65, no. 4 (2012): 814-26.

Hoy, Suellen. “The Journey Out: The Recruitment and Emigration of Irish Religious Women to the United States, 1812-1914.” Journal of Women’s History 7, no. 1 (1995): 64-98.

Mills, Samuel A. “Parochiaid and the Abortion Decisions: Supreme Court Justice William J. Brennan, Jr. versus the U.S. Catholic Hierarchy.” Journal of Church and State 34, no. 4 (1992): 751-73.


1968: A Year Like Any Other?

This week, the class had to attend panels at the Global ’68 Symposium at Loyola. I attended three of the panels and the movie showing for the week (Medium Cool). The three panels I attended were: “Resistance and Riots, Murders and Martyrs,” “Catholics at a Crossroads,” and “Struggles for Justice: Race, Class, Gender, and Immigration in 1968.” As each event focused on Chicago, US, and international politics and events from 1968 to today, I began noticing the patriarchal structure and hypocrisy of the Church (and world governments in general) which many members still deal and struggle with today to a farther extent than I have before.

When one of the panelists, Kathleen Belew, discussed white power, I made connections to our older class discussions about Catholic voters. Not everybody in white power movements agrees on the same issues, just like Catholic voters do not all agree on the same issues. Both of these matters are easily assumed to be the opposite. It is important to remember the dynamics of a person’s point of view within a broad movement. The importance of noticing differing sides of a movement was brought up throughout the Symposium. 1968 was a year of conflict and every conflict has more than one side.

In the same panel as Belew, Firmin DeBrabander discussed the gun right’s movements. Along with discussing the hypocrisy of the NRA and their largest supporters, DeBrabander dissuaded the argument that the public needs guns to defend themselves from a tyrannical government. When the US military is so well-funded, it would be impossible for a single gun owner to withstand the force which would come from a tyrannical government in the US. As seen through the week’s movie event of Medium Cool, the 1968 Chicago protests exemplified the outcomes which would occur if a police-state went against the general public. 1968 around the world, not just the United States and Chicago, showed the troubles for individuals or small groups to stand up to a powerful government.

Democracies should allow the public to demonstrate their views through protests, but Communism and other governments which theoretically praise protest and revolution are also not acting on their word. In panelist Alan Shane Dillingham’s presentation, kickback from Mexico’s 1968 student movements was discussed. When the protestors in Mexico were criticized by the government, it is important to note the history of the political party in power—the PRI. The PRI gained power through their own revolutions and are literally called the Institutional Revolutionary Party. In a government which would presumably accept and encourage protest, the opposite happens if it means maintaining their own power. Also, in the Communist government of Poland, students began questioning Marxist discourse and how the government actually acts (Malgorzata Fidelis). However, as Communism encourages revolution, people under a Communist regime were frequently punished if they acted in protest.

As many governments acted contrary to discoursal expectations, the Catholic church did and continues to, act against expectations. Previously discussed in class and in another blog post, traditionally Catholics were considered second-class citizens and heavily discriminated against. However, even when Catholics have felt discrimination themselves, the Church is quick to discriminate other groups—like women, the LGBTQ community and the 1968 Humanae Vitae. The discussions of the “Catholics at a Crossroads” panel demonstrated the divides which still exist today in regard to discriminatory actions of the Church. As one of the audience members asked the panelists why they have decided to stay in the Church, the answers varied across the board. For many, the struggle is continuous—especially faced with the patriarchal structure of the Church.

As the first event of the week was the showing of Medium Cool, the stark sexism in the political movements of 1968 was evident. Although the film focused on Chicago, this sexist structure is apparent throughout the US and the world. The patriarchal nature of political movements mirrors that of the Catholic Church and the Catholic Left. The woman characters were quickly pushed aside, literally and figuratively, by the main character of Medium Cool. The women’s justifications and suggestions were ignored without any pause. Women in movements of the mid-twentieth century were pushed away and discredited frequently. As scholar Marian Mollin compares the hardships of women activists with the struggles of Catholic women, “the masculinized nature of the Catholic Left—the ways in which radical protests were gendered male… The Catholic Left was, at its core, a prime example of how the politics of identity, in this case masculine identity, indelibly shaped the culture of American radical dissent” (Mollin, 51). Women in movements were not allowed to speak their mind because of the machismo which fuels and festers in political unrest.

However, like any movement, there is more than one side. With the Vatican II fresh in the minds of Catholics in 1968, some women began to find their rightful duty by participating in political movements compared to the traditional ideal of a silent woman. Prior to the 1960s and Vatican II, women, especially nuns, were expected to express their views with silence. In the words of scholar Kathleen Brosnan, “[the nuns] presence was essential to the Church, but so was their quietude within its patriarchal structures” (Brosnan, 10). By staying silent, the women were considered to be acting politically—“the conscious avoidance of controversy… allowed them to pursue their larger goals in a public forum” (Brosnan, 10). However, I find this similar to the discussions of Communist and revolutionary governments oppressing the expressions of parties who are threatening their current state of power. When there are nuns who later consider directly acting in political protest the true duty they have been called to do, like Sister Mary Peters described in an interview with Studs Terkel, the credibility of women in political movements or the Church should be reevaluated. This was not a genuine assumption about the ability of women to act politically and in protests, but a victim of genetic determinism pushed in international power struggles. Although 1968 provided a tumultuous year of events around the world, it was still victim to the same power struggles which continue to exist.

Referenced Work:

Brosnan, Kathleen A. “Public Presence, Public Silence: Nuns, Bishops, and the Gendered Space of Early Chicago.” The Catholic Historical Review 90, no. 3 (2004): 473-496.

Mollin, Marian. “Communities of Resistance: Women and the Catholic Left of the Late 1960s.” The Oral History Review 31, no. 2 (2004): 29-51.

Photos by me, unless otherwise noted.

Chicago’s Unique Catholicism

This week, the class participated in the Open House Chicago weekend. Exploring Catholic churches and separate political, the strong influence of Catholicism in Chicago was evident. However, throughout our readings for the week, Chicago’s relationship with Catholicism shined uniquely compared to other American cities. In this post, I will discuss my own experiences in the Open House and how those sights related to Catholicism and/or Chicago politics, followed by a discussion on how Chicago Catholicism is different than the rest of the country.

The first site I visited was the St. Nicholas Ukrainian Catholic Cathedral. Although a Catholic cathedral built in 1915, the Byzantine style reflected the growing parish in the Ukrainian neighborhood. According to the guides at the Cathedral, St. Nicholas was modeled after St. Sophia’s in Kiev—the capital city of Ukraine. The chandelier was made in Greece, but the stained-glass windows were made in Chicago. Through the leadership of a Chicago architecture firm, the church combined the influence of Ukraine, Greek artisans, and Chicago based companies. The Ukrainian Village Catholic parish growing at the turn-of-the-century was still young enough to have a deeper connection to their home country but were also beginning to create local ties to the communities around them. The Catholic cathedral provided a fundamental component of the developing neighborhood where the Ukrainian ethnic population was not yet fully assimilated in the rest of Chicago. Constructed during the mayoral era of the younger Carter Harrisons of the Carter Harrisons, the church was rooted against the push for Americanization opposed by Carter Harrison. Discussed by John D. Buenker, Harrison Jr., although not from an immigrant family, gained the respect of minority groups because “the conviction that [he] understood their handicaps with an old world culture facing puritanical narrow-mindedness” (Buenker, 176). The construction of this beautiful Catholic cathedral was possible because of the strong ethnic community in the area, and the support of a pro-minority mayor who would have allowed the parish to use Eastern European influences. St. Nicholas provided an example of Chicago Catholic activity in the context of local political leadership.

Another site I visited was the Holy Name Cathedral. Going inside the church was exciting because of the vicinity to our downtown campus and the beauty hidden inside. As the seat of the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Chicago, the history of the site is easily present. However, on their website’s description of their history, the church emphasizes, “The history of Holy Name Cathedral Parish is as much the story of Catholic immigrants and their new city, Chicago, as it is the story of bishops and seminaries.” Discussed during a tour, the Cathedral began when the University of St. Mary of the Lake was established to provide priests in the rapidly growing immigration of Chicago. As Ellen Skerrett, Edward R. Kantowicz, and Steven M. Avella explored in their work, “in no other city did such a wide range of Catholic groups make their mark” (Skerrett, Kantowicz, Avella, xvii). The first location of the Cathedral Parish was at the university. The emphasis of a “new city” was described in the tour when the guide emphasized the architecture of the church created a mixture of traditional Gothic influence in a modern church. Coincidentally, a theme throughout the Open House sites and the readings for the week was how Catholicism in Chicago grew along with the city itself. As St. Nicholas was built with the help of European business and inspiration, Chicago’s growing businesses began to take a part—although Chicago could not provide all the resources yet. With the Holy Name, when Chicago’s population began to flourish, Holy Name’s history was a resource for religious leadership in a rapidly modernizing city.

St. Peter’s in the Loop Roman Catholic Church, built in 1953, showed the evolution of Catholicism growing along with Chicago. Approaching St. Peters is shocking because the church is a modern stone-faced building directly attached and surrounded by city buildings. When you go inside, it feels like another world compared to the busy city outside. The intention of St. Peters was a place of prayer for those on-the-go in the city. When Chicago has efficiently developed into a thriving metropolis, the Catholic Church adapted to meet the parishioner’s new needs. St. Peter’s was built to reflect a modernized Chicago but was also literally built within the city life—showing the never-ending presence of Catholicism in Chicago.

My fourth site of the weekend was Chicago’s City Hall. Considering the current location was the seventh City Hall of Chicago, it is safe to say the changing locations reflect the growing needs of the expanding city. However, the Open House allowed us to explore the City Council Chambers where a neighborhood-district alderman represents their local constituents needs in local Chicago politics. Although initially challenging to create an immediate connection of Catholicism and City Council, the reading by Skerrett, Kantowicz, and Avella provide insight: “The first two marks of Chicago Catholicism, ethnic diversity and the close identification between parish and neighborhood, hark back to the beginnings of Chicago” (Skerrett, xvii). When the parish is heavily connected to the neighborhood, the alderman would have to consider the religious influence in decision-making. If there is a city council ruling which would negatively impact the religious groups of the neighborhood, the alderman would likely feel local pressure to vote against such a ruling. Additionally, when I visited City Hall with my aunt, I asked her how I might be able to connect Catholicism to what we observed—beyond the obvious influence of the Daley family—and she brought up how challenging it is to forego religious views in politics. Even if not obvious, religious affiliation increases social capital, which then increases political participation. With Chicago’s historical Catholic presence, the aldermen likely could have Catholic roots which could influence their decision-making.

Another political site had more obvious relations to Catholicism—the Catholic Charities St. Vincent Center. Founded by nuns and now a part of the Archdiocese of Chicago. Although it was formed originally to serve parishes struggling to provide for their community, Chicago Catholic Charities assist anyone who looks for service in a wide variety of considerations. The St. Vincent Center is the current headquarters for Chicago’s Catholic Charities but also houses the St. Louise de Marillac Chapel. According to a guide I talked to on-site, the original church was converted into office space, but then recently converted back into a chapel. Although the transformation of a chapel to office space is a bit peculiar, I think it may demonstrate how those serving through the center realized the growing need for their services in Chicago. The nuns and workers at the Catholic Charities prioritized serving the community over the convenience of an in-house chapel. The direct involvement of Catholics in civil services provides a clear connection between Catholicism and local politics.

Over the weekend, we also had the option to visit the “Hairy Who?” exhibit at the Art Institute. The art was interesting, to say the least, and the exhibit was very enjoyable. One of the informational panels on the wall described their work well: “At the moment when the personal was first being recognized as political… they always approached these themes from individualistic, rather than ideological, positions.” Their work was influenced by relationships, gender, and sex while relying on the spontaneity of everyday situations in naming work and choosing subjects—“fearless and disobedient yet technically refined.” What was unique about the “Hairy Who?” art shows were the unfortunate consequences which prevented a show opening—Martin Luther King’s assassination protests in Chicago and a janitor throwing away work in New York.

Although the “Hairy Who?” group began in Chicago and held their first shows there, they are not rooted directly in Chicago culture or politics beyond what is also evident in other cities. The fearless disobedience of their work reflected the post-Vatican II ideologies of direct action—whether one is Catholic or not. Given the universality of Vatican II changes, it is difficult to relate “Hairy Who?” uniquely Chicago like the Open House sites.

When Chicago was born, Catholicism quickly took root in the culture and politics. As Catholicism and Chicago grew synonymously, the classic Catholic political machines were famous in Chicago. As Daley carried the machine into the Cold War, Catholic presence in politics proved unique to other major cities. Boston had the “long-standing social dominance of the so-called Boston Brahmins;” New York is “often considered a ‘Jewish City’” (Skerrett, xxi). For other cities, the Catholic dominance already fell or fell during the Cold War.

Referenced Work:

Buenker, John D. “Dynamics of Chicago Ethnic Politics 1900-1930.” Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1908-1984)67, no. 2 (1974): 175-99.

Skerrett, Ellen, Edward R. Kantowicz and Steven M. Avella. “What Has Made Chicago Catholocism Distinctive?” Catholocism, Chicago Style (1993): xvii-xxii.

All photos by me.